For people who do want to transition do you think a revolution is wanted or requited, or would gradualism or reform be enough?
I think emphasis on revolution is kind of a Leninist bias. Revolutions happen, but I don't think pre-emptively advocating for one is very useful. It also seems like the way it has manifested in the history of the socialist movement is often at odds with how Marx described his own theory of social change. I'm neither a Marx scholar nor do I think he is a prophet, but since he heavily influenced a lot of revolutionary socialism I think it is notable. Marx's historiography suggested that social change occurred when the "social relations" of a society act as a "fetter" on the "forces of production", which is all the accumulated productive capacity of a society. He believed capitalist social relations were such a fetter, in the sense that he thought the industrial economy could support people in a much more abundant way (not on the sense of Star Trek abundance, but at least in the sense that he believed there was a way to turn the productive capacity of society towards more directed goals of ending poverty and such).
But, that analysis implies that there is an existing alternative to compare the present state of affairs to. John Locke wrote of property norms he was familiar with because they existed alongside noble privileges, and the parliament was an institution that evolved and expanded out of what was initially the consent building between members of the elite to consent building amongst all property owners, including the commoners. When Sieyes wrote "what is the third estate?" his answer was it is everything, that the third estate (most importantly the educated, the property owning and the professionals) ran all of society and only tolerated the unearned privileges of the French nobility. Which is all to say that the alternative was plain to these people, it was there. It had evolved unconsciously within the old society.
Many self-identified Marxists now say like Sieyes that the proletariat also runs all of society and are the "revolutionary subject", and so they often advocate for revolution as soon as possible, the direct route to socialism. But the problem is this perception just isn't shared for generally not insensible reasons. The proletariat doesn't generally experience itself as truly "running society" in the course of its social existence, and to the degree that it does, it actually believes it does so through the representative government. So if wealth inequality is high, the proletariat isn't NECESSARILY revolutionary, as it can just as easily end up agitating for a new government that keeps everything the same but raises taxes. The proletariat doesn't have a strong sense of its own agency outside of this. Much like how unions function, it sees itself as one end of a fixed bargaining arrangement. The medieval towns also found themselves in such arrangements with the crown, often buying charters and rights from the monarchy to protect them from the petty lords, waxing and waning in their independence as some monarch may decide they'd prefer direct control or that they'd rather defer to the authority of lords and bishops over some sorry town. But the towns didn't conceive of this as a political struggle for the abolition of the monarchy as a political principle, they were simply trying to exist in the most beneficial position they could in this social arrangement, and the burghers would often ally with lords and kings willingly to best maintain their autonomy and wealth.
But what really upset medieval social relations was the weakening of the authority of the lords across multiple fronts, the peasantry, the monarchy and the towns. The peasants by various means won more freedom of movement and labor, the monarchy appropriated more political and juridical authority, and the towns became intertwined with the central monarchy through the bargaining above the heads of the nobility and eventually mostly found themselves directly controlled by the monarchy and supplying bureaucratic labor to the state for their own administration (as the state functions of the monarchy had ballooned with its own power). This created a perfect storm of an existing alternative to the political privileges of the nobility and monarchy. In effect, as Sieyes claimed, a growing stratum of the common class in England and France (let alone America, where it was quite clear), felt that it was running society in its image, making the nobility superfluous. They were the state bureaucrats, they ran the commerce, they leased agricultural lands from the nobles and operated them with labor increasingly paid in various forms of wages. So when the nobility or monarchy did something to really upset this group and refused to change, they revolted in the name of abolishing the political rights of that social class.
For the proletariat, I don't think anything like these circumstances exists and generally am skeptical they can exist. The proletariat revolts, but like Kropotkin said they often revolt still in the ideological grip of representative democracy. They elevate or passively assent to a group of representatives, like a revolutionary party, to do what is best for them. If they don't, they may attempt to revolt again and do it over. But the aims of the revolt are usually purifying the democracy of "corruption", or simply any kind of material relief. That relief is often redistribution and new social programs, while leaving the general structure of society as is. The proletariat doesn't imagine itself a unified or discrete social interest, a thing worthy of governing. It is the object of governance, it wants to be treated fairly within the scope of capitalist social relations. Mark Fisher called this kind of dead end ideology "capitalist realism".
So to me the goal is to create something, an alternative, that feels itself to be an interest worthy of governing, that experiences its own structure and way of living as an alternative. To me that is the worker coop right now. Any given worker coop isn't operated by ideologues or revolutionaries, but neither were the medieval towns, neither were the early state bureaucrats appointed by skill and education from the common class. They became that way as they grew under the noses of the monarchy and nobility, as they saw themselves in relation to a larger whole, as more of them assumed a vantage point that gave them clear vision of the whole pie and what was at stake.
As worker coops grow I think they will become a distinct interest group, and their interests will be intertwined with traditional working class interests, but as the thing the working class can escape to in a time of crisis and intolerable denial of political choice. We have already seen the dilution of traditional capital's authority in the form of the growth of the public corporation. Baronial families of private capital gave up control of their companies to a broad public market to raise capital (which I'd roughly analogize to nobility and monarchy shooting itself in the foot by short-sightedly selling off noble titles, selling freedom to peasants, cutting up holdings and accepting money payments for feudal service etc.) which resulted in "managerial capitalism", the increasing administration of large companies not by a small set of owners and their chosen few, but by managers appointed by many small owners. The cattle were openly running the farm, questions of what ownership meant in relation to these corporations started to be asked. Prominence of terms like "stakeholders" and beliefs in smoothing out relations between management and employees spread for a more technocratic and practical approach to business.
I think much like centralized monarchy this all has the possibility of being a paper tiger, rather than being in the midst of the dark age of central power and defeat in front of victorious big capital, the seeds of the dissolution of what exists were sown as the bargain of its temporary glory. The economy has become increasingly professional, educated, increasingly corporate, and aspiration to ownership of income generating assets has spread with the growth of the financial markets. Payment in stock and ESOPs have become fairly common, and in general I think the increasing appeal of worker cooperatives among many online socialists of probably a middle-income pedigree is reflective of their sense of self-worth and general entitlement to a professional career. More and more cities have quietly passed ordinances in favor of worker coops, because city officials are generally bemused by them and just see them as pro-business or community wealth building vehicles. NYC has been expanding its worker coop programs for a couple of years now, casually allocating more of the budget to it each year. During the Trump admin, the SBA even opened itself to loans for worker coops, but there are still some structural hurdles there that the cooperative lobby is trying to restructure. To me similar changes in favor of labor unions are almost inconceivable because of the huge structural lobby against them.
The political struggle is intertwined with private and interpersonal economic struggles here. Building models and starting up more coops, creating networks of support, connecting capital with those who need it and sharing experience while also lobbying local governments will all help grow the sector. And as it grows its lobby will grow, and eventually it may reach a critical mass where politicians are working at the behest of the coops and the working class who may see some wealth and control for itself in the coops, and on the other end is the lobby of traditional capital. These two won't always disagree, but they're structurally antagonistic. The growth of coops could stand to raise the standards of the labor market, as well as shrink markets for equity. The coops also smooth out returns to capital across more members, so that they're less likely to support policies that strictly benefit capital at labor's expense.
Like Samoyed though, I see all of that stuff as a speculative transitional strategy, one that kind of has an inertia to it and takes advantage of the present situation. I don't have a strong vision of what it is transitional towards, just that I think if employment is eventually abolished there will be a much greater equality of interests among the general population, and some public services that are hard to get now will either arise out of the private cooperation of the cooperatives in federations (Mondragon built its own unemployment and healthcare service for the group) or will arise out of mutual desires to curtail the effects of market competition on social life in some areas (the inability to shorten work weeks for instance, which could hurt competitiveness unless everybody does it). There will still be international and regional political struggle, but the barrier of private exploitation will be gone. It was easier to convince the British public that slavery was bad than it was to convince the British state or the slavers, even if they benefitted from the products of slavery. I think once you disempower and/or abolish the exploiters of national and international labor (capitalists), there will be more opportunity to appeal to people's sense of decency as the more diffuse economic returns of socially deleterious trade or industry begins to not seem as indirectly valuable as compared to people's actual values or perceived material benefits from alternatives, and the propaganda of the ruling class is dulled by their waning economic power.