In attempting to reach out to black and Hispanic voters ahead of November, President Trump and his allies are focused on swaying one group in particular: minority men.
The effort has been on display in the Trump campaign's Super Bowl ad highlighting criminal justice reform, throughout Trump's State of the Union address that featured a Tuskegee Airman and two black men benefiting from Opportunity Zones and in the president's almost daily references to historically low minority unemployment rates.
Trump has increasingly welcomed black athletes and celebrities into the Oval Office, and last week the president spoke during a graduation ceremony for ex-inmates in Nevada, a state where a majority of prisoners are black or Hispanic men.
"We're here to reaffirm that America is a nation that believes in redemption," Trump said during the ceremony, in which he compared the prosecution of his ally Roger Stone with the legal challenges faced by the graduating felons. "These people know more about bad juries than everybody here," he said.
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Some Democrats are concerned that the president's charm offensive may be wooing black and Latino men to his camp — or at the very least blunting the kind of voter enthusiasm that helped propel Barack Obama to the White House in 2008 and 2012.
"It keeps me up at night," said Terrance Woodbury, a partner at HIT Strategies, a firm that conducts research on minorities and other under-researched demographic groups. "The Trump campaign recognizes that while the Democratic Party is spending a significant amount of resources and effort to persuade white suburban women back into their coalition, the Trump campaign has found a very susceptible and very different swing voter in black men."
Woodbury said that in focus groups he conducted recently in Milwaukee, Pittsburgh, Atlanta and Detroit, he found minority men are "the most susceptible audience" to Trump's message.
Democrats are relying on high voter turnout in those and other urban areas to compete with Trump in swing states like Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania — places where even a modest shift in the nonwhite vote share could tip the 2020 race.
Exit polls from 2016 showed Trump won 13 percent of black male voters and 32 percent of Hispanic men, compared with 4 percent of black women and 25 percent of Hispanic women. Combined with a drop in turnout among those traditionally Democratic voters, Trump's meager minority support — buoyed by male voters — helped him narrowly win key states en route to an electoral college victory over Hillary Clinton.
Now, Trump's campaign is trying to marginally improve those numbers with a public appeal to minorities that analysts say doubles as a stealth effort to win back suburban white voters turned off by his history of racist rhetoric and divisive politics.
Trump's campaign and the Republican National Committee have touted the multimillion-dollar investment the president has approved for minority outreach as a sign he is serious about competing for nonwhite voters in 2020. They point to internal RNC data to make the case that the efforts — and Trump's record on key issues important to minority men — are working.
Those internal figures, which appear to contradict some public polling, show that Trump's approval rating has improved 8 points with black men and 12 points with Hispanic men since 2016, according to the RNC.
The campaign, which launched a group called Black Voices for Trump in November, has been holding outreach events to carry Trump's message into minority neighborhoods in major cities. Most of the attendees have been men, Republican officials said.